Abstract: Jorge Amado () is the most translated Brazi-. lian writer and . novel Cacau (Cacao), came out two years later. His leftist. Panorama das principais obras do autor. Destaques em ordem de publicação. Doomed city: Positivism and prison in O País do Carnaval and Suor . This thesis explores the evolution of the city of Salvador in Jorge Amado's novels.
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Does any one know if this book has been translated into English? In my Internet searches, I only come up with French translations. The book. Cacau (trans. Cocoa) is Brazilian Social Realism novel written by Jorge Amado. It was written . Create a book · Download as PDF · Printable version. 7 out. jorge amado. A FACE OBSCURA. romance. Para Zélia, de déu em déu. Para Alice e Georges Raillard,. Anny-Claude Basset e antoinette.
Background[ edit ] The book had considerable autobiographical elements. Amado, twenty-one years old at the time of writing, had in his earlier life considerable direct contact with the hard life of the laborers in the cocoa plantations, and his experience formed the basis for this novel. Unlike in his first novel, the present one is written in the first person. Reflecting the author's political development, the book expresses Socialist ideas and promotes workers' organizing for class struggle - specifically, in the harsh and exploitive world of the cocoa plantations. He suffers long hunger and is apprehensive of the city until encountering a good-hearted guard named Roberto in front of a big bakery, who gives him some bread. Later on the same day he encounters Roberto again, gets invited to a canteen to eat a feijoada and there meets several men sitting at the back.
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Embeds 0 No embeds. No notes for slide. Jorge Amado 1. Mas tcheco. Google Scholar Amado, Jorge. Cacau: Romance. Rio de Janeiro: Olympio, Google Scholar ——.
Homens e Coisas do Partido Comunista. Rio de Janeiro: Horizonte, Myriam Fraga and Ilana Seltzer Goldstein. Seara Vermelha. Terras do Sem Fim. Vida de Luiz Carlos Prestes, el caballero de la esperanza. Pompeu de Accioly Borges. Buenos Aires: Claridad, Google Scholar Assis Duarte, Eduardo de. Jorge Amado: Romance em Tempo de Utopia.
Rio de Janeiro: Record, Google Scholar Barthes, Roland. Carlos Pujol. Barcelona: Seix Barral, Google Scholar Burns, Bradford. A History of Brazil. New York: Columbia UP, Google Scholar Cerqueira, Nelson. He unwittingly follows to the letter the liberal spirit of free market capitalism without its Latin American benrs when he refuses to comply with the fazenda store monopoly and decides to download seed and sell the crop outside of the fazenda.
By sidestepping these time-honored practices, Greg6rio represents a face of modernity--market driven, individualistic, and eminently rational, so to speak. But on the other hand, his fierce individualism makes his path toward social mobility simultaneously heroic and impossible. He is the only peasant in the fazenda that has a degree of con- sciousness. However, it is not class consciousness, but rather the consciousness of a heroic bourgeois imbued with the spirit of accumulation and free competi- tion.
In this respect, although he represents a superior version of capitalism, he is stamped out by the dominant version of capitalism in the sertao-renter capi- talism of absentee landowners that condemns him to become a criminal when he makes a completely futile attempt on Artur's life. It is highly peculiar that, even though the news about the selling of the fazenda and the eviction are given during Ataliba's feast, in which practically all the sharecroppers are gathered, the only one to actively react is Greg6rio-the only one who was not at the feast.
It is not explained how Greg6rio knew about this unsettling piece of news Amado avoids this problem by not narrating it indirectly through another character. In any case, it is telling that nobody organizes anything, even though they were all together-a little drunk probably-and in the heat of the moment. For the peasants, oppression is part of the order of the universe. This is another of the dangerous illusions that Amado needs to dispel.
Exploitation is not an act of injustice or an unacceptable break of a time-honored arrangement, but either, as J ucundina and Jeronimo come to regard as fact, a part of the inscrutable order of the world or, as Zefa prefers, incontrovertible evidence that the world is coming to an end. These two attitudes the impassibility of Jucundina, the apocalyptic vision ofZefa may seem opposite poles, but they are not-they stem from the belief that a certain form of agrarian capitalism equals the order of the universe.
Class consciousness is equated with the realization that oppression is not a natural fact, as bourgeois universalization pretends.
After a long trek through the caatinga-in which Noca, Dinah, and Jeremias the donkey die, Zefa disappears later, we find out that Zefa joined the band ofthe beato Estevao , and Agostirilio and Gertrudes desert the group to live together - the greatly reduced band arrivey at Juazeiro by the Sao Francisco River.
The arrival to Juazeiro has a symbolic import: It is also the arrival to the domain of the state. The ship that will take them to Pirapora is property of the State ofBahia. In Pirapora, they have to catch a train that will take them to Sao Paulo--their final destination.
The train is free, as long as the retirantes can prove that they are not carrying any infectious dis- eases.
Doctor Epaminondas runs the state medical office mcharge of examining migrants and issuing bills of health. But during the boat ride fromJuazeiro down the Sao Francisco River, Jucundina's baby grandson dies during an epidemic of dysentery that breaks out among the third-class passengers of the boat. First-class passengers, enjoying a better diet, avoid the epidemic-if not the foul smell of the persistent diarrhea of the passengers on the lower deck.
Evicted from the family, she becomes a prostitute and falls victim to an unspecified venereal disease. Even though these seem to be just two more misfortunes, they are radically dif- ferent because of their context: Contrary to the populist imagination of the state as a mediation, and ideally a cancellation of class conflict, here the state reproduces and enforces the class system the poor diet on the state-owned ship kills the baby and the requirements of the state force Marta to prostitute herself.
Furthermore, even when successful, the state works, in spite of the appearance of benevolence, to assure the supply of cheap labor to the labor market-transporting the excess workers from a place where they are plentiful to another where they are scarce. And by doing this, the state ensures that there is a surplus in the South, thus depressing wages.
In fact, this is the truth that tortured Epaminondas and destroyed his prede- cessor Doctor Diogenes the latter fell from the status of respected doctor to that of barfly and town drunkard, with occasional sparks of brilliance and cynicism. It is not that they, and the state they represent, cannot solve the problems of the poor and sick, but rather they produce the poor and the sick in the first place. They transform honest sertanejo women into prostitutes, and honest peasants into beggars and criminals.
Vargas the embodiment of statist populism in the period is never mentioned in the novel, even though it is set in the s. Because of this alliance, the PCB was enjoying a brief moment oflegality that would end in Amado himself won a seat in the federal assembly as part of the process of the return to democracy.
With Vargas absent or not from the novel, the point is dear: The episode of Epaminondas is also a refutation of all liberal reformist attempts, when carried out in an individual fashion. Epaminondas is an image of the liberal modern intellectual: But he becomes at the same time a victim and an executor in a class-based society.
BANDITRY In contrast to these dangerous illusions that always entail individual accommoda- tion, there are means of collective resistance-banditry and millenarian rebellion. Even though they are definitely not the conclusion of the argument that Amado puts in narrative form, cangaceiros and fondticos seem to have usurped the public's and the editor's perception of the novel witness the covers, from the first edition on, that always-and solely- feature cangaceiros and sometimes a Conselheiro-looking beato.
AS gang comprises the first section of the part of the novel called "As Estradas da Esperans: On the other hand, there is the story of the beato Esteva. When state armed forces catch up with Estevao, Lucas rushes to the aid of the romeiros pilgrims and dies heroically in defense of a lost cause. Lucas's saga is a compilation of episodes belonging mainly but not exclu- sively to Lampiao's life and legend: Crucial to Amado's argument, however, is Lucas's return to the "myth of origin" of his ban- dit career.
Much like Jeronimo, Lucas's father was evicted from his land and a worthless, arid plot ofland at that. When he tried to resist, he was killed. Lucas tells this story to different interlocutors-the senator, Ze Trevoada, the travel- ing salesman-at least three times throughout the novel , , and because this event is for him the source of his legitimacy as an outlaw.
W etico to refer to the construction of the cangaceiro's persona as either a good robber or an avenger. By this, professional cangaceiros profiteering bandits, to use Paul Vanderwood's apt term use the rhetoric and rituals of the noble robber or the avenger to legitimize their practice. Amado prefers to take Lucas's words at face value, since they are coherent with his larger agenda.
In the novelist's perspective, there is a total over- lap between the objective and the subjective causes for outlawry-the problem lies in the response: It is also important that for Amado, all violence in the sertao is class violence. Seara Vermelha does not emphasize does not even acknowledge the existence of a culture of violence in the serrao that cuts across class lines. This violence is not always and perhaps not even mainly related to land monopoly.
In other words, Amado explains this cul- ture of violence away by giving it a single origin. All the characters that take to the caatinga do so either because they have been dispossessed of their land as in the case of Lucas Arvoredo or because they do not have any hope of ever acquiring it as in Nenen's case.
By acknowledging a culture of violence unrelated to class conflict, Amado would present an image of the peasantry that perhaps carries inherent contradictions. The section on Lucas Arvoredo opens with the defeat of a. This episode showcases the possibilities and limits of a bandit politics. Lucas is not a mere vandal moved by irrational lust, greed, or hatred. Quite to the contrary, all his acts have an internal logic. This logic is opaque and repulsive to the elite members of rural society and Lucas himself would not be able to verbally articulate it.
But it is coherent and powerful nonetheless. This logic operates through negation and inversion see Guha, Elementary Aspects. IfLucas does not have a class consciousness and for Amado that is a fatal flaw , he has what Guha calls a "nega- tive consciousness," a well-developed sense of a peasant's place in rural society and of the protocols, rituals, and symbols that regulate the peasantry's relationship to their social superiors.
Hence his actions are the performance of a countertheater that actively destroys and inverts those protocols, rituals, and symbols. Lucas occupies and disrespects spaces that by definition are off-limits for poor peasants-the hotel where he feasts at the head of the table and the box in the movie cheater. He extorts money from the town, but less for money's sake than to see the mayor of the town grovel and beg for a reduction in the amount of the ransom money.
He rapes and brands the town teacher, not because of her beauty she is not particularly pretty or due to sexual urges, but because she is blonde. He forces everyone to dance naked, not only to exhibit the grotesque, bloated nature of urban bodies when compared to the wiry bodies of the cangaceiros , but also to divest the elite of all the symbols of their prestige-the highlight of the dance is the puny judge being forced to dance naked with his obese wife.
As a peasant, Lucas was condemned to a life of deprivation and scarcity and he was always living on the edge of starvation. His actions in the town are conse- quently a performance of waste: He literally turns the world upside down when he forces everyone to watch the Tom Mix feature, but with the movie upside down.
Lucas Arvoredo is thus sensible to symbolism and he distinguishes how these things are related to a class reality. This subversive performance ensured his cultural prestige. For Guha, as well as for Scott, these types of performances or counterperformances are fully political acts, even more so since they fall beyond the modern elite notion of poli- tics. This was not so for Amado, who fully endorsed a modern notion of politics: Lucas has a keen perception of the cultural aspects of the agrarian order.
But he is incapable of casting a historical glance. In this sense, he is for Amado like a child or like a primitive man. This comes up in the episode of the toy duck- since the people are fascinated with a self-moving toy, they wind it up and follow its meandering through the town. Or when they mistake reality for fiction and shoot the screen where The Bully is harassing Charlie.
After leaving the town, Lucas Arvoredo and his gang take refuge in the. This episode illustrates how Lucas, although he is respected-even admired by his fellow camponeses-is not the champion of his class as Coirana in Glauber Rocha's Antonio das Mortes [Antonio of deaths; ] portends to be.
The senator is his main coiteiro supplier, contact, and harborer. But that protec- tion has a price. This type of relationship inspired Pernambucano de Mello to coin the expression "landless colonel" when referring to professional cangaceiros.
There are some elements of subversion in the relationship. Lucas is of peasant stock, but demands to be treated with much more respect than a peasant. He smokes and feasts with the senator and neglects many of the rituals of deference that the sena- tor considers are owed to him. Nevertheless, he remains a loyal subordinate. The alliance breaks down when the senator betrays Lucas, sensing that he is becoming a political liability and is beginning to act without due deference.
His alliance with this patron is firm and it only breaks down when the senator starts to perceive Lucas Arvoredo as a threat. When Lucas realizes the treason, he kills the senator in cold blood. This killing adds to Lucas's cultural prestige, show- ing that "even the poor and weak can be terrible" Bandits But he is killed not as a class enemy, but as a disloyal ally.
He and his men burn the main house, loot the fazenda store, and try to kiJJ Aureliano-who is injured, but not killed.
Again, this attack is part of the internal solidarity of the gang and not a class-oriented move. And this shows how the cangaceiro, in the last resort, is a traitor to his class or someone unaware of the glaring contradic- tions of his actions. The attack on Aureliano's fazenda does not contradict this, since, spectacular though it is, it has no effect on the real situation. Furthermore, Lucas is incapable of recognizing an obvious contradiction: The attack on the fazenda is indeed a dra- matic performance.
But for Amado, politics is not composed of performances but of tactical moves and long-term strategies. According to Amado, bandit politics, steeped in peasant culrure, has a flawed idea oftime and space, since it extinguishes itself in this instantaneous performance. Of course, banditry implies rational calculation and the administration of time and space: But it is not part of a long-term strategy or a strategy that would have widespread consequences.
Banditry lacks long-term economic effects. It does not introduce any durable transformation in the relations of production: They are fully aware of state borders and jurisdictions, since this is crucial to successfully evade the police-who were prevented from carrying on the persecution into a neigh boring state due to a strong sense of state autonomy Pernambucano de Mdlo But in the novel, Lucas's gang also lacks a larger concept of territory as does Jeronimo, who thinks that Sao Paulo is a country.
This, of course, deliberately endows the nar- rative with a more universal value because it could have happened anywhere in the sertao. But it also highlights what for Amado is a deficient historical and geographical sense, and hence a built-in limit to the potential of banditry as a revolutionary model. Unable to conceive of a real and enduring alternative to the existing world in this respect, Lucas is like Jucundina, minus the resignation , Lucas nevertheless dies defending another failed option of collective resistance-- that of the beato Estevao.
The romeiros have a much clearer understanding of the class dynamics articulated in evangelical language. The beato speaks openly against the rich, and the phenomenon has a long lasting if unintended eco- nomic impact and cultural effect-causing a labor shortage and an erosion of peasant deference. The beato has a vision, but he has not the means to carry it out or to defend his community, and hence he is crushed by the state.
But they are unable to bring about change on a larger scale, and in fact, they divert forces that could be used for this specific goal like in the case of Ze, who after Lucas's death wanders aimlessly through the infinite caatinga.
In this respect, bandits and millenarian leaders are, for Amado, objectively reactionary. Millenarianism is a pure vision without the means to carry it out.
Banditry is raw force without vision. Communism is the place where these two limited utopian impulses are simultaneously negated and recuperated into a larger synthesis.
From millenarianism, communism recuperates the utopian vision of a just society, transformed from an otherworldly apocalyptic event into a historical and necessary event.
From banditry, it recuperates the col- lective organization of force--reterritorialized as revolutionary violence. He is the only one among Jerl'inimo's sons who, from the start, has a dear consciousness of the conditions of his existence. He leaves Jeroni- mo's household because he does not want to eke our a living as sharecropper. He intends to follow in Ze's steps, but when looking for Lucas, he comes across the railroad tracks and follows them to the city and his heroic destiny.
He first becomes a policeman and later a military man. He is destined first for the south, where he becomes a communist, and later he heads toward the siteia, where he shows his qualities as a leader in the fight against the Indians. Transferred to Natal, he leads the rebellion.
When it fails, he spends ten years in prison. Nenen is a heroic character. This is all predicated on his achieving class consciousness. He is a hero of knowledge, and Seara Vermelha is a novel about knowledge. Hence the relevance of the opening quote, borrowed from Engels: In a nutshell, Seara Vermelha is an epic of knowledge, leading from the pre- modern. The admirable intellectual pirouette of the novel is that this progression of knowledge happens within a single class-the peasantry.
Nenen is from peasant stock, but he is not a peasant leader, although he becomes a leader of the peasantry. He becomes a leader in the army and his ideology is perfected in prison-a modern institution par excellence.
But there are no legitimate leaders of the PCB that do not belong to the peasantry. The premodern answers to the land issue are symbolically refuted through family metaphors. But these metaphors are all catastrophic in nature. Marta is sacrificed by her parents to the double standard of backlands morals. Ze Trev- oada kills his brother Joao in the showdown between Estevao's romeiros and the state police, and finally the family ceases to exist as such. On the other hand, the acquisition of a modern class consciousness is expressed through the parental metaphor, since Nenen becomes Tonho's sort of adoptive father.
Tonho is the only member of Jeronimo's group for whom migration is not another link in a long line of misfortune and oppression, but rather a founding and productive experience as well as an educational event that creates an identiry.
That is why Tonho is the hope of the future, and Nenen endows him with his legacy and ideology through his affiliation with the PCBY The novel begins and ends with a meeting of sertanejos. But if in the first case the feast was an event illuminated by the fulse light of ideology, in the final meet- ing the meeting of the ligas camponesas organized by the PCB the true light of knowledge shines.
Upon Ze Tavares's return to the sertao to proselytize, a peasant approaches him: Don't you see mister that a light appears on the road and they tell us not to get closer because that thing is haunted, that ir kills us just because we take a look at it.
But they talk about it so much that us folks are eaten up by wanting to go and take a look. One day we won't resist, we get close and see that it's the people's father. The movement of capital that sets the novel in motion Aureliano's invisible hand starts in the South, the active pole of History.
This causes the response of the sertanejos, their painful search for History: These are traditional responses. But the cul- mination of the novel is when the peasants really begin to be contemporaries with their own history, understand the nature of,capitalist violence as contingent and based on class, and envision other worlds.
This is only possible under the guid- ing light of the Communist Party that also comes from the South. And from Sao Paulo the sertanejo goes back to the North, to the sertao-the dark lands of oppression-to shed the new light, the new Lampiiio of the Revolution. NOTES 1. The bibliography on nonheastcrn outlawry is extensive. Eric Hobsbawm devotes a sig- nificant ponion of Bandits to cangaceirismo see section devoted to the variety of social bandit that he calls "the avenger".