Quoted in Mintz, Sweetness and Power: The Place of Sugar in Modern History ( New York,. NY: Viking, ), p. 71 from Mintz In Sweetness and Power, Sidney Mintz illuminates and discusses the social and economic He examines the power structures that made it possible for sugar to. SWEETNESS AND POWER. INTRODUCTION. Sidney W. Mintz. Sweetness and Power: The Place of Sugar in Modern History. New York: Viking Penguin,
|Language:||English, Spanish, German|
|Genre:||Politics & Laws|
|ePub File Size:||19.64 MB|
|PDF File Size:||14.32 MB|
|Distribution:||Free* [*Register to download]|
I do not know if coffee and sugar are essentiai to the happiness of Europe, but I know well that these two products have accounted for the unhappiness. Mintz - Sweetness and Power - Free download as PDF File .pdf), Text File .txt) or view presentation slides online. The Cape of Good Hope With New Observations on Nature and Mankind by an Officer of the King (). SIDNEY W. MINTZ. SWEETNESS. AND POWER.
His father was a New York tradesman, and his mother was a garment-trade organizer for the Industrial Workers of the World. A in psychology in Murphy were among this group. Career[ edit ] Mintz had a long academic career at Yale University —74 before helping to found the Anthropology Department at Johns Hopkins University. His work has been the subject of several studies. Mintz Lecture in At Yale, Mintz started as an instructor, but was Professor of Anthropology from to
Bealer, The World of Caffeine. Times Literary Supplement, April 6 , No. Cheung, eds. Scranton, eds. Chee-beng, eds. Current Anthropology 41 2 : June 22, Pp. Lauria-Santiago, eds. In Plotnicov, L. Scaglion, eds.
Reddock, eds. Women Plantation Workers.
Oxford: Berg. Stanford: Stanford U Press. New York: Routledge. London: Macmillan, Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 2 2 : Mexico: Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, New York: Westview Press, xv-xx. Westport: Praeger Publishers, Hoffenberg, eds. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, Marshall: Southwestern University. Basel: Akademie Verlag, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, xxiii-xxviii. Netherly, eds. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University press: vii-viii.
Porter, eds. London: Routledge, Drescher, eds. Pittsburgh: Pittsburgh University Press, Ibero-Americana Pragensia, Supplementum 5: Margolis, eds. Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press, Svensson, eds. Boston: Beacon Press, ix-xxi. Kotler, eds. Ratzeburg: F. Licht, How oould it have become so imporant so swiftly? What did sugar mean to the rulers of the Uniced Kingdom; what did it come to mean to the ordinary folk who became its mass consumers? The answers may seem self-evident; sugar is sweet, and human beings like sweetness.
But when unfamiliar substances are taken up by new users, they enter into pre-existing social and psy chological contexts and acquire-or are gven-contextual mean ings by those who use them. How that happens is by no means obvious.
That human beings like the taste of sweetness does not explain why some eat immense quantties of sweet foods and others hardly any. These are not just individual diferences, but differences among goups, as well. Uses imply meaning; tolear the anthropology of sugar, we need to explore the meanings of its uses, to discover the early and more limited uses of sugar, and to lear where and for what orignal purposes sugar was produced.
This means examining the sourcs of supply, the chronology of uses, and the combination of sugar with other foodS-including honey, which is also sweet, and tea, coffee, and chocolate, which are bitter-in te making of new di etary patters. The sources of sugar involve those tropical and sub tropical regons that were tansfonned into Britsh colonies, and so we must examine the relationships between such colonies and the motherland, also the areas that produced no sugar but the tea with which it was drunk, and the people who were enslaved in order to produce it.
Such an inquiry inevitbly bring many more questions m its wake. We need to reflect on those social reformers, such as Jonas Hanway, who inveighed against the wastefulness and prodigality of the laboring classes because they came to want tea and sugar; and on their opponent, the sugar brokers and refiners and shippers, such as George Porter, who won out over the reformers because tey envisioned sugar's benefactons for all Englishmen-and strug gled to change the nature of the market.
This also means seeing how, over rime, the exigencies of work changed where, how, and when ordinary people ate, and how new foods wer created, with new virtues. Perhaps most important of all, we must understand how, in the creation of an entirely new economic system, strange and foreign luxuries, unknown even to European nobility a few short centuries earlier, could so swiftly become part of the crucial socal Center of British daily life, the universal substances of socal relationship for the farthest-flung empire i world history.
And then we shall have retured-though on a different level of explana ton-to our fellow humans the! Kung, dividing and redividing ther eland meat as they validate te social worth of rhe links thOt bind them to one another. Studying the varying use of a single ingestble like sugar is rather like using a litmus test on p3rticular environment. Any such trace able fature can highlight, by irs intensity, scale, and perhaps spread, it assocation with orher features with which it has 3 regular but not invariant relaton, and in some cases can serve as an index of them.
Such associatons can be broad and important-as between rats and disease, or drought and famine, or nutiton and fertility-. The affinity between such phenomena may be intrinsic and explicable, as with, say, rats and disease.
But of course the associaton may also be quite arbitrary, neither "causal" nor "functonal," as in the case of sugar and spice-substances freig mEurope, carried thenc from dis tnt lands, gradually entering into the diet of people trying them out for the frst rme; Iinked together mostly by the accidet of usage and, to some extent, by origin, but overlapping and diverging as their uses overlapped and diverged and as the demand for tem rose and fell.
Sugar has bee assocated during irs history wirh slavery, in the colonies; with meat, in flavoring or concealing taste; 8- with fruit, in ping; with honey, as a substitute and rival.
And sugar was assocated with tea, cofee, and chocolate; much of its history in the,late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries springs from that partcular association. Sugar was also first associated with the rich and the noble classes, and it remained out of the reach of the less privile,ed for centuries.
In staying with sugar, the aim is not to de-emphasize other foods, bm to make clear the changng uses and meaning of sugar itself over rime. As uses change or acc added on, as use both deepens and broadens, meanings also change.
Tere is nothing "natura'" or inevitable about these processes; they have no inbuih dynamic of their own. The relationship between the producton of sugar and its consumption changed over rme and, as it did, the uses to which sugar was put and me meaning to which it gave rise also changed. By keeping sugar itself as the focus, we can actually see more clearly how its relationship other foods, mose wim which it was com bined and those which it eventually supplanted, was altered. Nutritionists can construct diets for the species based on the best scientifc information available.
We appear to b capable of eating and liking JUSt about anything mat is not immediately toxic. Cross-cultural studies of dietary preferences reveal eloquently that the universes mat human groups treat matter of-factly as their "nanlCal environments" are clearly social, sym bolically constructed universes.
What constitutes "good food," like what constitutes good weather, a good spouse, or a fulfilling life, is a social, not a biologicl, matter.
Good food, as Uvi-Strauss suggested long ago, must be good to think about before it becomes good to eat. If we look at the whole sweep of human cultural evolution and concentrate on that last "minute" of geologcal tme when the do mestication of plants and animals O Urs, we can s that almost aU human beings who have ever lived were members of societies in which some one partcular vegetable food was "good.
J Most great and many minor sedentary civilizations have ben built on the cultivaton of a particular complex carbohydrate, such as maize or potatoes or rice or millet or wheat, In these starch based societies, usually but not always horticultural or agricultural, pple are nourished by their bodily conversion of me complex carbohydrates, either gains or tuhers, i nto body sugars. To the Bemba each meal, 1Dbe utisfctory, must be composed of to consttuents: a thick porridge ubwalt made of millet and the relish uun of vegetables, meat or fsh, which is eaten with it.
The hot water and meal are mixed in proporti. Ubwali is eaten i n hunks tom off in the hand, rolled into balls, dipped in relish, and bolted whole. Millet has already been described as the main consttuent of Bemba diet, but it is difficult for the European, accustomed as he is Da large variety of foodstuffs,11DaiZfully what a "staple crop" can mean to a primitive people. We have not had a bite to Call day.
I proverb O folktale the ubwli stands for h itself. The umutni i s applied Dstews-meat, 6sh, caterpilla locust, ant, vegetables wild and cultvated , mushroms, etc.