Zaharia stancu descult pdf Socanta imagine creata de Zaharia Stancu in romanul " Descult" tarani cu botnite, culegand via boierului Gherasie a facut cariera. Zahariya Stanku. Bosoj - ronaldweinland.info Zahariya Stanku. Bosoj Zahariya Stanku Bosoj ZAHARIA STANCU. DESCULT. Bucuresti, Romanian writer. Zaharia ronaldweinland.info Zaharia Stancu cu traducerile romanului ronaldweinland.info 1, × 1,; MB. Zaharia Stancu in.
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In the process of breaking mobility down in this way we get some analytical purchase on how mobility becomes political. Below I outline six aspects of mobility that each has a politics that it is necessary to consider. First why does a person or thing move? An object has to have a force applied to it before it can move. With humans this force is complicated by the fact that it can be internal as well as external.
A major distinction in such motive force is thus between being compelled to move or choosing to move. This is the distinction at the heart of Zygmunt Bauman's discussion of the tourist and the vagabond. If they do not move, it is often the site that is pulled away from under their feet, so it feels like being on the move anyway'' , pages 86 Of course, the difference between choosing and not choosing is never straightforward and there are clearly degrees of necessity.
Even the members of the kinetic elite who appear to move so easily through the world of flows must feel obligated to sign in to airport hotels and book first class flights to destinations twelve time zones away. Nevertheless, this basic difference in mobilities is central to any hierarchy and thus any politics of mobility.
Towards a politics of mobility 23 Second how fast does a person or thing move? Velocity is a valuable resource and the subject of considerable cultural investment Kern, ; Tomlinson, ; Virilio, To Paul Virilio speed, connected to the development of military technology in particular, is the prime engine for historical development. In Speed and Politics and elsewhere he paints a picture of ever-increasing velocity overwhelming humanity.
Even such apparently fixed things as territory, he argues, are produced through variable speeds rather than through law and fixity.
We only need refer to the necessary controls and constraints on the railway, airway or highway infrastructures to see the fatal impulse: the more speed increases, the faster freedom decreases'' , page At its extreme, speed becomes immediacy the speed of light that Virilio claims is at the heart of globalisation.
This is the speed with which information can travel around the globe having profound impacts of relatively solid, relatively permanent, places Thrift, ; Tomlinson, But speed of a more human kind is at the centre of hierarchies of mobility. Being able to get somewhere quickly is increasingly associated with exclusivity. In airports such as Amsterdam's Schiphol, frequent business travellers are able to sign up to the Privium scheme where they volunteer to have their iris scanned to allow biometric processing in the fast lane of immigration.
This frees up immigration officials to monitor the slow lane of foreign arrivals who are not frequent business travellers. Speed and slowness are often logically and operationally related in this way. And it is not always high velocities that are the valued ones.
Consider the slow food and slow culture movements. How bourgeois can you get? Who has the time and space to be slow by choice? In a sense then, and without being unduly cynical, [CittaSlow] could be seen as defending enclaves of interest, rather than offering plausible models for more general social transformation'' , page For some, slowness is impossible. Consider the workers in Charlie Chaplin's Modern Times. In its famous opening scenes we see a line of workers at a conveyer belt tightening nuts on some unspecified element of a mass production line.
The factory boss is seen reading the paper and enjoying a leisurely breakfast. Here the principles of Taylorism are used by Chaplin to satirise the production of speed among workers through time and motion study. Here speed is definitely not a luxury. Third in what rhythm does a person or thing move? Rhythm is an important component of mobility at many different scales Lefebvre, ; Mels, Rhythms are composed of repeated moments of movement and rest, or, alternatively, simply repeated movements with a particular measure.
Henri Lefebvre's outline of rhythmanalysis as a method of interpreting the social world is richly suggestive. But unlike Seamon, Lefebvre delineates how rhythms, such as those visible on any such city square, are simultaneously organic, lived, and endogenous and exterior, imposed, and mechanical. Yet rhythm, always particular music, poetry, dance, gymnastics, work, etc always implies a measure. Everywhere there is rhythm, there is measure, which is to say law, calculated and expected obligation, a project'' page 8.
Rhythm, then, is part of any social order or historical period. Senses of movement include these historical senses of rhythm within them. Indeed, it is possible to see a particular politics of rhythm across a range of human activities. Jazz, punk, and rave are but three examples of rhythms that have proved anxiety provoking to certain onlookers Cresswell, In the case of rave this led to the Criminal Justice and Public Order Act of in the United Kingdom that explicitly referred to repetitive rhythms amongst its reasons for cracking down on people having fun.
But rhythm is important in more sinister ways. A strange rhythm of movements over a longer time period can similarly mark a person out.
Too many one-way trips, journeys at irregular intervals, or sudden bursts of mobility can make someone suspect. Alongside these curious rhythms are the implicit correct and regular movements of the daily commute, the respectable dance, or the regular movements of European business people through airports.
There is an aesthetics of correct mobility that mixes with a politics of mobility. Fourth What route does it take? Mobility is channeled.
It moves along routes and conduits often provided by conduits in space. It does not happen evenly over a continuous space like spilt water flowing over a tabletop.
Smooth space is a field without conduits or channels. Producing order and predictability is not simply a matter of fixing in space but of channeling motion of producing correct mobilities through the designation of routes. They show how the routing of infrastructural elements ranging from roads to high-speed computer links warps the time space of cities.
Examples include the highways that pass though the landscape but only let you get off at major hubs. Or think of high-speed train lines that pass from airport to city centre while bypassing the inner city Towards a politics of mobility 25 in between. Distance is no longer the relevant variable in assessing accessibility. Connectivity being in relation to is added to, or even imposed upon, contiguity being next to '' Offner, quoted in Graham and Marvin, , page Think of the development of a commuter rail network in Los Angeles.
Built at huge expense to facilitate speedy transit from suburb to city centre it effectively bypassed the predominantly black and Hispanic areas of the city. While train riders were disproportionately white, bus riders were overwhelmingly black, Hispanic, and female.
In court the MTA made the claim that train lines passed through many minority areas of the city such as Watts.
In response, the BRU argued that the population of areas the train lines passed through was not the relevant fact. The arrival of the train line had been matched by the removal of bus services.
In addition, the BRU pointed out that the Blue Line was built at grade rather than being underground or elevated , and had resulted in a high number of accidents and deaths in inner-city minority communities. Fifth how does it feel? Human mobility, like place, surely has the notion of experience at its centre. To be on your own? With no direction home? Like a rolling stone? Moving is an energy-consuming business.
It can be hard work. It can also be a moment of luxury and pampering. The arrangement of seats on a trans-Atlantic flight is an almost perfect metaphor for an experiential politics of mobility. Upper, first, or connoisseur class provides you with more space, nicer food, more oxygen, more toilets per person, massage, limousine service, media on line.
Those at the back are cramped, uncomfortable, oxygen starved, and standing in line for the toilet. And then there might be the body, frozen and suffocated in the undercarriage well waiting to drop out in a suburb of a global city. Consider walking once more. Tim Ingold has described how walking and pretty much all manner of traveling was experienced as drudgery and work by the well-to-do.
Indeed the actual process of travel, especially on foot, was considered a drudge literally a travail that had to be endured for the sole purpose of reaching a destination'' , page Only in the 19th century, following the example set by Wordsworth and Coleridge, did people of leisure take to walking as an end in itself, beyond the confines of the landscaped garden or gallery'' page And even then the experience of walking was connected to the development of mechanised forms of transport that allowed the well-to-do to get to scenic environments for walking.
Poor people, unaffected by the peripatetic poetry of Wordsworth and Coleridge, presumably did not experience walking in a new, more positive way. It was still drudgery. Or to put it another way what kind of friction does the mobility experience?
There is no perpetual motion machine and, despite the wilder prophecies of Virilio and others, things do stop. Here it is the distance between two or more points that provides its own friction. As with the question of reasons for mobility motive force we need to pay attention to the process of stopping.
Is stopping a choice or is it forced? One of the effects of tunneling is to produce new enclaves of immobility within the city Turner, Social and cultural kinetics means reconsidering borders. Borders, which once marked the edge of clearly defined territories are now popping up everywhere Rumford, Airports are clearly borders in vertical space. Often certain kinds of people, possibly those with suspicious rhythms, are stopped at national borders. Sometimes for hours, sometimes only to be sent back.
In the most extreme case, in July Jean-Charles de Menezes, a Brazilian man mistaken for a MiddleEastern terrorist, was shot in the head seven times to stop him from moving on a London underground train.
Racial profiling also appears to take place in airports in Western nations where nonwhite people are frequently stopped and searched in customs or before boarding a flight. Friction is variably distributed in space and is an important component of mobility studies. So here then we have six facets of mobility, each with a politics: the starting point, speed, rhythm, routing, experience, and friction. Each is important in the creation of a modern mobile world.
Each is linked to particular kinds of mobile subject identities tourists, jet-setters, refugees, illegal immigrants, migrant labourers, academics and mobile practices from walking to flying. Constellations of mobility So far I have outlined the importance of movement, representation, and practice to the study of mobility. I have shown how each of these is implicated in the production and reproduction of power relations.
In other words, how they are political. I have also suggested six facets of mobility that can serve to differentiate people and things into hierarchies of mobility. I would argue that each of these needs to be taken into account to provide accounts of mobilities at any given time. In the following section I develop a notion of constellations of mobility as a way of accounting for historical senses of movement that is attentive to movement, represented meaning, and practice and the ways in which these are interrelated.
Towards a politics of mobility 27 The ways in which physical movement, representations, and mobile practices are interrelated vary historically. There is no space here for a charting of changing constellations of mobility through history.
Rather, I illustrate this point with reference to feudal Europe and its continuing influence on the contemporary mobile world with particular reference to the regulation of mobility. Carefully controlled physical movement characterised a feudal European sense of movement where the monopoly on the definition of legitimate movement rested with those at the top of a carefully controlled great chain of being. The vast majority of people had their movement controlled by the lords and the aristocracy.
For the most part mobility was regulated at the local level. Yet still mobile subject positions existed outside of this chain of command in the minstrel, the vagabond, and the pilgrim.
Within this constellation of mobility we can identify particular practices of mobility, representations of mobility, and patterns of movement. In addition, there are characteristic spaces of mobility and modes of control and regulation Groebner, This was the era of frankpledge and of branding. As feudalism began to break down a larger class of mobile masterless men arose who threatened to undo the local control of mobility Beier, New subjects, new knowledges, representations, and discourses, and new practices of mobility combined.
The almshouse, the prison, and the work camp became spaces of regulation for mobility. By the 19th century in Europe the definition and control of legitimate movement had passed to the nation-state, the passport was on the horizon, national borders were fixed and enforced Torpey, New forms of transport allowed movement over previously unthinkable scales in short periods of time.
Narratives of mobility-as-liberty and mobility-as-progress accompanied notions of circulatory movement as healthy and moral Sennett, By the 20th century, mobility was right at the heart of what it is to be modern. Modern man, and increasingly modern woman, was mobile. New spaces of mobility from the boulevard to the railway station [the spaces of Benjamin's Arcades Project] became iconic for modernity.
New subject positions such as tourist, citizen, globetrotter, and hobo came into being. Broadly speaking, the scale of regulation for mobility has moved in the past years or so from the local to the global. While mobility of the poor was always a problem for those high up, it was a more local problem in feudal Europe where wandering vagabonds were regulated by the local parish through a system known as frankpledge Dodgshon, By the 18th century, mobility was beginning to become a national responsibility, Passports were just around the corner and poor people moved over greater distances and more frequently.
By the end of the 19th century the nationstate had a monopoly on the means of legitimate movement and national borders, for the first time, became key points of friction in the movement of people Torpey, By World War Two passports had become commonplace and nations were cooperating in identifying and regulating moving bodies.
In each case it was indeed bodies that proved to be the key element even as the scale of mobility expanded and speeded up. Now we are in a new phase of mobility regulation where the means of legitimate movement is increasingly in the hands of corporations and transnational institutions.
The United Nations and the European Union, for instance, have defined what counts and what does not account as appropriate movement. Increasingly, national interests are combined with so-called pervasive commerce as innovative forms of identification based on a hybrid of biometrics and mobile technology are developed Fuller, One of the latest developments in mobile identification technology is the Rfid Radio Frequency Identification chip.
These chips have been attached to objects of commerce since the s. The Rfid chip contains a transponder that can emit a very low power signal that is readable by devices that are looking for them.
The chip can include a large amount of data about the thing it is attached to. The Rfid chip has the advantage over barcodes of being readable on the move, through paint, and other things that might obscure it, and at a distance. It is, in other words, designed for tracking on the move. Unlike a barcode it does not have to be stationary to be scanned. And Rfid technology is being used on people. As with most kinds of contemporary mobility regulation the testing ground seems to be airports.
In Manchester airport a trial has just been conducted in which 50 passengers were tracked through the terminal using Rfid tags attached to boarding passes. The airport authorities have requested that this be implemented permanently. Washington State together with the Department of Homeland Security has recently conducted a trial involving Rfid tags on state driving licences allowing the users to travel between the states participating in the Western Hemisphere Travel Initiative.
These tags can include much more information than is normally found on a driver's licence and can, of course, be tracked remotely. It is experiments such as these that have led some to predict the development of a global network of Rfid receivers placed in key mobility nodes such as airports, seaports, highways, distribution centres, and warehouses, all of which are constantly reading, processing, and evaluating people's behaviours and purchases.
Information gathering and regulation such as this is starkly different from the mobility constellations of earlier periods. Regulation of mobility, to use Virilio's term, is increasingly dromological.
Dromology is the regulation of differing capacities to move. It concerns the power to stop and put into motion, to incarcerate and accelerate objects and people. Virilio and others argue that previous architectural understandings of space time regulation are increasingly redundant in the face of a new informational and computational landscape in which the mobility of people and things is tightly integrated with an infrastructure of software that is able to provide a motive force or increase friction at the touch of a button Dodge and Kitchin, ; Thrift and French, , The model for this new mode of regulation is logistics.
The spaces from which this mobility is produced are frequently the spatial arrangement of the database and spreadsheet. Conclusion The purpose of this paper is to raise a series of questions about the new mobilities paradigm and to suggest some ways in which a mobilities approach can develop. I have suggested two caveats it is necessary to take on board in contemporary mobility research.
One is an awareness of the mobilities of the past. Much that passes for mobilities research has a flavour of technophilia and the love of the new about it. In this formulation it is now that is mobile while the past was more fixed. We only have to consider the words of the Futurist Manifesto to see how this is a recycled notion.