A biologia geral e a ecologia dos marsupiais brasileiros são um pouco mais L. Sitzungsberichte derGesellschaft Naturforschender Freunde zu Berlin, v. Então, francesa. 4. __ Roberto é Brasil. Então, brasileiro. 5. __ Julie é Estados Unidos. Então, . ______ ____ Berlim, na Alemanha, mas agora moro ____. In they moved to Berlin where they have been working together as the artistic duo Mostra Cinema Zero, Feira Plana, Cinemateca Brasileira, São Paulo.
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Article Recommendations Abstract Throughout the twentieth century, the sport has gained much importance in society and sparked interest from various sectors, including the political. However, many of the facts historically reported on the Olympics are contested. The aim of this work is to try to show, as faithfully as possible, as some important facts occurred during this event the contest between Owens and Long in the long jump; if Hitler snubbed Owens; etc. As methodology was conducted an ample bibliographical research: reports taken from newspapers of the time and current, books, scientific papers, master's thesis, documentaries, etc. Without claiming to prove a single fact, it is intended to provide insight to the reader to draw their own conclusions. Keywords: 1. Rio de Janeiro: Editora Renes.
The Olympics: the man who beat Jesse Owens. BECK, O. Der weite Sprung. April A brief history of Olympic dissent: Berlin August Luz Long: European Records Progression Men. Olympia - Wahrheit und Dichtung. July HALL, A. Did Hitler shake hands with black Olympic hero Jesse Owens? Jesse Owens. Long jump pit. Jesse Owens: o homem que desafiou Hitler. Luz Long [Video]. The Joy of Six: Sportsmanship. February Evitato da Roosevelt, non da Hitler.
January Olympic countdown - 64 - Olympic spirit. Luz Long. Indeed, magico-religious practices have been historically pre- sent in Europe: Similar practices have been analysed by the work of Favret-Saada, Deadly Words: Witchcraft in the Bocage Cambridge , who took into account magic spells and sorcery in rural France in the s.
Moreover, it is important to note that the esoteric side element in Afro-Brazilian religions has been likely influenced by European magic practices and beliefs. Why did history not coincide with memory? Farley, A Cultural History of Tarot. From Enterteinment to Esotericism. History and Historiography [in: Sansi eds. The compelling presence of witches and ecstatic rituals in agrarian cults in North- ern Italy has been well-documented by authors such as Carlo Ginzburg in his books Ecstasies: The news was covered by the local newspaper Il Giorno, titled: He barely looks at you, and he tells to you everything about yourself, everything!
Offeddu, F. Lastly, these religions have strong performative and emotional traits which are regarded as particularly appealing, in contrast to the rigour of the Catholic doctrine and ritual. The intentions and perceptions of human actions contribute to the shaping of the environment, but are also influenced by it at the same time.
Saraiva, Blood, Sacrifices and Religious Bibliography Afolabi Ojo G.
Bahia J. Curitiba, Premises and Postulates [in: Barber K. Bastide R. Bastos C. Capone S. Carney J. Descola P. Farley H. From Entertainment to Esotericism, London Favret-Saada J. Witchcraft in the Bocage. Halloy A. Ingold T. Mello e Souza L. History and Historiography, [in: Offeddu L. Prandi R.
Preston J. Santos J. This identity is also expressed in a form of moving the body that does not maintain the corporal distance or control between bodies that Brazilians perceive in German inter- personal relations. Jenkins affirms that ethnicity is a collective and individual social identity, which is externalized in social interaction and personal self-identifi- cation.
It is created through a selection of cultural elements that best express identity. Jenkins criticizes conceptual reifications and an over emphasis on a primordial anthropological model of analysis, which tends to consider cul- tural elements as immutable essences in the construction of identity.
We thus realize the way in which the endowed corporeality of a religion is activated as an element of identity construction. The spirits also make these demands, in particular caboclo Ventania who speaks Portuguese and demands that the Germans do so as well. Ekedi woman consecrated to a divinity but who does not experience trance and dofono first spiritual son oriented by pai de santo Murah who starts the offerings to Exu, to Oxum and Obaluaie to bring luck, good health and open the ways in Hermannplatz, Kreuzberg, Berlin.
Picture 7. Many Brazilians travel from other coun- tries and other parts of Germany to participate in the bloco. Relationships of domination exist between cultural practices, and are recognized by the cultural epithet hybridity Ha It is important to note that identities are instrumental Okamura and Jenkins , because at some times it may seem interesting to be exotic and ethnic, but not at others.
This depends on with whom, when and how people interact. Germany has constantly failed in making a transition into a modern society that is accept- ing of immigration. Yet it is now obsessed by its new immigrants, while Berlin seems to be increasingly multicultural see The Culture Carnivals. From a transnational perspective, this is what makes nations more palatable.
Is it possible that Brazilians have an interest in being exotic at times?
There are ways to transform a stereotype into a strategy to convert forms of subordination into affirmation Irigaray Different from the Turkish and African Islamic cultures, Brazilian emigration is not visible in German society, which is notoriously afraid of the presence of Islam in the other groups.
In this sense, if a perspective is found in German society that sees the other as exotic, it is also true that Brazilians are interested in being exotic to attract Germans, because at least in principle, what is exotic is also fascinat- ing.
Yet these qualities are organized almost to perfection. Brazilians often find it necessary to act according to an interpretation to avoid discrimination and prejudice.
To add Brazilian and Bahian epithets, or even alaketu is important in transnational religious markets and bestows an idea of tradition although a distinct one. There are nuances in this identity construction Okamura Demonstrating the fluidity and circumstances of an ethnic construction, we can see how these nuances occur in beauty salons run by Brazilians in Germany. Ethnicity is also constructed in the beauty salons in Berlin, so much so that ethnicity is a requirement, and the body waxing technique — originally Spanish — has been transformed into a Brazilian brand.
To do so names and symbols are used that allude to Brazil and Rio de Janeiro in particular. The salons also present themselves as being organized and aseptic and use a dis- course that emphasizes health and cleanliness, to comply with the German imaginery. Entering these spaces it is clear when they must be ethnic, artisan and even exotic and when they should not.
The classes consist of more than just learning how to samba. Brazilians have to manage these boundaries very well so as not to scare off the Germans. This process reveals the relations between this production and the construction of references for the process of ethnic self-identification, particularly for some types of Brazilians. The importance of these producers of religious symbols is also high- lighted in their participation at cultural and political events that go beyond the religious field, at places and events considered Brazilian.
In this sense, a pai de santo may be considered as an ethnic broker, or someone who constructs stories and ideologies about a group, because he chooses cultural elements to establish a positive valuation of the recon- structed ethnic identity. His French grandfather had land in Salvador, where he raised his family. He spent his childhood on the outskirts of Salvador, in Beiru, which is now known as Tancredo Neves. As he stated: At the time, he still worked at dance schools.
The following were present at the initiation: According to Cossard After the grieving period, one must free themselves from this weight, and seek a more elderly person, who may or may not be from his or her house, for this person to remove the hand of vumbe death. His con- nections with other terreiros throughout the world indicate his prestige as a leader in the religious market.
The temple in Berlin does not have the infrastructure needed to initiate newcomers. Outside of Brazil, the terreiros have a certain degree of freedom that distinguishes them in terms of organization and per- formance. This tendency is also found in Brazil, indicating that each temple has its specificities and adapts according to the new social reality Capone and Teisenhoffer ; Capone These ties mean that the trips made to and from Brazil by Murah and the future filhos de santo keep them connected.
In some cases, they remain connected with the country of origin, while the Germans become connected to a new language, a new culture, which has a special connection with the realm of the senses. Maintaining contact with Brazil is very important for the legitimacy of these cults in a broader religious context. The energy of nature is the true power.
This allows Germans to reinterpret the idea of Kraft strength. In this sense, in addition to speaking fluent German the pai de santo uses metaphors that adapt to his teachings.
In this case, they may benefit or punish their children. The body gains a dimension closer to nature, and moves in accordance. Moreover, it is sexualized. This is very different from the concept of the body of the German identity construction.
Many participate in the classes not only with the intention of learning more about Brazilian culture, but also because they have relationships with Brazilians or are looking for a romantic relationship. When asked about Africa itself, they state that it is now largely Christianized and Islamicised, and that little is left from the original culture. In this sense, Brazil is a country that re-Africanized 30 We encountered this issue throughout the fieldwork. Many people reach out to the Forum and its courses, as they do the terreiro, because they are already familiar with the Brazilian culture through friends or even ex-lovers.
Another interesting issue of Brazilian immigration in Germany is sexual preferences. Although homosexuality was not identified as a reason for migration, to live freely as a homosexual in a country that legally punishes racism and homophobia is something highly valued in the discourse of the interviews.
This issue was often raised by the informers as a parameter for viewing Brazil as a racist country. In addition, there is a strong presence of black men and women in the migration flows to Germany. The interpretations of disease and healing practices take them back to an African universe and a religion that has its own means of classifying the body and its diseases Barros and Teixeira , which for many resemble the African mythical universe.
Many Africans and their descendants that were born and live in Berlin seek an Africa that they do not find in their everyday lives.
They feel the need to have elements to build an ethnic identity. In other words, there are various manifestations of negritude competing for the same space.
It must be noted that to be white is almost the norm in German culture. In general, blacks are sexualized by Germans, in particular Brazilians. At times, the stereotype is used to gain advantages, but the use of this stereotype reaffirms it even more. When the ritual practices are initi- ated, there is a turning point. The dances, the rituals, the use of herbs are not striking until one confronts the use of blood as part of the sacrifice. Many give up the religion at this point.
These aspects are often difficult for Germans to understand. To speak a different language is something hierarchical based upon a geopolitical situation and interests at play, but among Africans and Latinos, no effort is made to speak a different language. German is in fact the language demanded among them on a everyday basis. When they incorporate music simultaneously to dance, is when they can be initiated, because this indicates that they are ready to understand the meaning of the religion.
Changes in the body denote a change in atti- tude. Therefore, more than a relationship between identity and memory, mem- ories are investigated. In the case of the Brazilians, they preserve the mark of their migration experience and a new perception of their original identity.
It has been noted that many of the religious choices made by the Brazilians were made in conjunction with their migration process. In other words, many joined the religion, not in Brazil, but under the condition of emigrant. Many of the followers and initiates of the terreiro are lower middle-class blacks, who perceive the religion as a place to experience their black and Brazilian identities simultaneously.
They are black and come from the poor neighborhoods of Rio de Janeiro. Many have already experienced or had contact with the saint some are ebomis 33, and have lived in the Baixada Fluminense region on the outskirts of Rio de Janeiro or in Rio de Janeiro favelas. This distinguishes them from African Germans and from Brazilians from other regions these origins are also often triggered as markers of differences.
They could not maintain their obligations to their original terreiros, and seek out Murah so they do not lose their relationship with the religion. Nevertheless, their references are the stories from the terreiros in the Baixada Fluminense region, where they still circulate. They construct a different type of identity that links them to all of these aspects.
It is how they see them- selves, and how they feel re-experiencing their negritude outside of Brazil.
All of these images are triggered in different ways. Other Brazilians not only experience the idea of being black, but also a proximity to a family heritage marked by Afro-Brazilian religiousness. They revive a spiritual destiny in their family history: The ethnic and family origins are triggered when they explain their entry into the religion. Others resume their relationship with popular religiousness present in the every day lives in the cities where they lived in Brazil. These can only be felt by being close to things in Brazil, represented by the role the Forum has acquired for many of those who attend events there.
Others manifest their spiritual side when they get sick, normally shortly after they migrate, because to a certain extent, migration is felt as suffering. As is the case of the dofono the first one to be initiated in the terreiro , who had wounds on his leg until he found out that he had a spiritual problem and had to be initiated. It is also worth highlighting the importance of family and friendship net- works in constructing the migration process.
Many authors demon- strate the charisma and tolerance of Afro-Brazilian cults in relation to other religious practices that are not excluded from the new daily religious routines. Later he migrated to Germany. Many Brazilians initiated in the saint34, state that the religion, aside from permitting an individual expression of emotions, gives them a sense of belong- ing to a community, or better still, a saint family.
Some are attracted by the toler- ance of Afro-Brazilian religions towards homosexuals, particularly in countries where the majority of the Evangelical Churches condemn this sexual preference. By means of religious socialization and symbolic parenthood, there is the projection phenomena, or that of identification with a certain past that is so strong it can be considered an inherited memory.
In this sense, it is worth highlighting the importance of Afro-Brazilian cults, not only as ethnic insti- tutions but also as places of memory. In what way does this discourse approach the present and shall we say modern European discussion about environmentalism?
This concept of magic that correlates the sacred and the profane and connects them to nature becomes interesting to an imaginary, which in the German case was built around influences of the so-called Lebensreformbewegung the Life Reform movement. Historians such as Hugh Trevor-Roper and Laqueur are largely responsible for the dissemination of this interpretation.
Many discuss this issue stating that although there are certain cultural affinities, it cannot be stated that sociopolitical alliances between occultists and the state were more effective. Treitel As quoted by the author He established that the occult figured in Ariosophical thought primarily to legitimate previously conceived notions appealed to Hitler as much as Ariosophical occultism repelled him.
All of this led Goodrick-Clarke to conclude, rather anticlimactically, that Hitler and most of his colleagues were not occultists and that their infamous crimes were only loosely connected with occult doctrines. Nazism took hold of this old German habit, connecting it to training its youth and deifying it Wandervogel.
Hitler was a naturist, admirer of Gaspar D. Friedrich, promoter of Wandervogel, who encouraged many of the aspects found in the movement. Many were banned, including nudism. But the whole progressive, psychological, libertarian part of this movement was banned from the daily activities and discussions until the end of World War II.
Nazism used some of the characteristics, and this made it a real taboo in the second half of the twentieth century. It wanted to highlight cultural aspects of fundamental importance for understanding Germany and its survival over time, regardless of ideologies. The movement criticizes excesses of industrialization and urbaniza- tion and the harm they cause to health and the human body.
It supports a certain return to natural life, expanding its meaning to refer to movements of the body and soul Buchholz, Latocha, Peckmann and Wolbert Thus, nature inspires a lifestyle and culture that values alcohol absten- tion, vegetarianism this coincides with the growth of cities and rise in the consumption of alcohol, sugar and meat , sports, certain ways of living and dressing, nudism, natural healing and the idea of bringing nature into the city, as found in the Schreber gardens Gartenkolonie, which is still common.
These ideas that value the individual as a motor of transformation, come from a life reform movement Krabbe , which influenced the new age movements,36 hippies, the creation of alternative communities and various forms of mysticism. Many aspects of life reform, such as the idea of holism, vitalism and the understanding that individuals create their own vital energy were revised in the new age movement.
Many of the ideas from this move- ment are currently reappearing in ecological discourses, in organic agricul- ture and a self-sustainable way of life. In the late 19th century and early 20th century, the city of Darmstadt was particularly important for the movement. Elizabeth directed the school, which sought a break with the highly formal aspects of ballet and to approach the natural movements of the body.
The city became a polarizing centre for life reform. Among the most relevant influences of this movement in Germany, the most representative is the recent ecological discourse Buchholz, Latocha, Peckmann and Wolbert According to the author, what unifies the environmental movements is an alternative temporality that asks society and institutions to accept the reality of the slow evolutionary process of our species in its 36 Authors such as Lewis and Melton It calls for a return to nature, the qualitative, authenticity, personal development, spirituality symbolizing the pursuit for the creation of an alternative and holistic world.
Although it involves old practices such as astrology, and tarot card reading, the sentiment that exists in the new age movement is different. Aside from the limitations created by our submission to time as defined by the clock, still experienced by most people in the world, a historical dispute over a new temporality is taking place between the annulment of time on computer networks and the realization of glacial time by becoming aware of our cosmological dimension cosmological self.
Through this dispute over the appropriation of science, space and time, ecologists induce the creation of a new identity — a biological identity, a culture of the human species as a component of nature. This socio-biological identity does not imply denying historical culture. The ecologists respect folk cultures and the cultural authenticity of various traditions.
These problems are found in the various religious adaptation processes: There are laws in Germany that prohibit animal sacrifice, and various regulations about conducting other rituals.
Many of them thus take place outside of urban Berlin. Similar difficulties are described by Rossbach de Olmos concerning Cuban Santeria.
Not only in the search for finding a place for the initiations, but in particular with regard to sacrificing four- legged animals. According to the author Since Santeria is not a recognized form of religious worship.