A Keynesian economist thinks about consumption theory in terms of private principle of microeconomics is that consumers structure their consumption plans to. 1. What does economics have to tell us about these differences in consumption? Most introductory economics textbooks portray consumer behavior as relatively. reset the economics of the entire tech business and send many tech Consumption Economics will help you re-imagine how to profitably build, sell, and deliver.
|Language:||English, Spanish, Arabic|
|ePub File Size:||15.54 MB|
|PDF File Size:||14.58 MB|
|Distribution:||Free* [*Register to download]|
average levels of income or consumption may nevertheless do a poor job of Other economists prefer to use consumption because it measures what people. PDF | Roberta Sassatelli and others published ECONOMIC THEORIES OF CONSUMPTION. welfare as a function of wealth — Past neglect of the field of consumption by economists — Their interest in the effects of consumption upon the productivity of .
Muhammad Shahbaz Abstract This paper investigates the relationship between carbon dioxide emissions, energy consumption and economic growth in the G-7 countries from a historical perspective. To this end, taking time varying interaction and business cycle into account, we use the historical decomposition method for the first time in the literature. Our results provide evidence that Canada, Italy, Japan and partly the United States need to sacrifice economic growth if they aim to reduce CO2 emissions by decreasing the fossil-based energy use. This situation is not valid since the early s for France, throughout the analysis period for Germany and a few exceptions in all periods for the UK. Although the EKC hypothesis is not valid for Germany and the UK, economic growth has no damaging effect on environmental quality. Also, this effect seems to be cyclical for the US. While the energy conservation theory is fully supported for Canada, it is strongly supported for France, Italy, Japan and the US with the exception of some periods.
The high saving rates of the richest few percent of households at least in the United States are hard to explain in such a framework. An alternative theory holds that some rich people gain satisfaction directly from the ownership of wealth, not merely from the happy contemplation of that wealth being spent by children, grandchildren, and so on.
People might enjoy being wealthy for reasons of status, power, avarice , or other motivations that fall outside the traditional scope of economic analysis. Alternatives to fully informed rationality The modifications just described pose no challenge to the premise that consumers are fully informed rational optimizers.
The popularity of this assumption reflects the fact that there is usually only one way to behave rationally, but there are a great many possible ways to behave stupidly.
In the absence of a general theory of stupidity, economists have been unable to construct a unified, compelling alternative to the rational optimization framework.
Nonetheless, a few specific deviations from fully informed rationality have been explored. Evidence from experimental psychology suggests that people have difficulty resisting the impulse for instant gratification, even when they agree at any time other than the exact moment of temptation that it would be rational to resist.
Whether such self-control problems have large economic effects is unclear.
It turns out that if such commitment strategies are available, they permit the consumer to achieve a lifetime consumption pattern very close to that predicted by the standard rational optimizing model, which makes no allowances for self-control problems or commitment mechanisms.
Some distinctive implications , however, emerge in the model built on self-control problems. In particular, this model can explain seemingly illogical behaviour, such as holding a retirement savings account earning an interest rate of, say, 7 percent while simultaneously borrowing on credit cards and paying interest rates of up to 20 percent. Either the saving or the borrowing can be justified in the rational optimization framework if we assume that savers are rational and patient while borrowers are rational but impatient , but the simultaneous practice of saving at a low interest rate and borrowing at a high interest rate is virtually impossible to reconcile within the rationality framework.
One other well-explored category of deviation from the standard framework simply drops the assumption that people are fully informed. Consumers who do not know whether a given shock to their incomes is transitory or permanent will tend to react as though there is some chance it is temporary and some chance that it is permanent.
Alternatively, consumers who do not pay much attention to macroeconomic news may be slow to react when macroeconomic circumstances change e.
This category of theories may provide an alternative to habit formation as a means of explaining the sluggish reaction of consumption spending to economic news. Consumption and the business cycle Private consumption expenditure accounts for about two-thirds of gross domestic product GDP in most developed countries, with the remaining one-third accounted for by business and government expenditures and net exports.
A substantial portion of government expenditure e. In national income accounting , private consumption expenditure is divided into three broad categories: expenditures for services, for durable goods, and for nondurable goods. Durable goods are generally defined as those whose expected lifetime is greater than three years, and spending on durable goods is much more volatile than spending in the other two categories.
Services include a broad range of items including telephone and utility service, legal and financial services, and travel and lodging services. The distinction between the flow of consumption as economists conceive it including the services of durable goods owned by households and consumption expenditure as measured in national income accounts is vital to understanding macroeconomic fluctuations. Producers and therefore employers make money only from the sale of a durable good, not from its continuing use after the sale.
Therefore, it is the level of consumption expenditure —not the flow of consumption as defined above—that determines short-term macroeconomic prosperity or otherwise.
Both theory and evidence suggest roughly the following story. In an economic downturn, expenditures on durable goods such as automobiles generally plummet because many consumers who had been considering replacement of their durable goods decide to hold off either until the economy improves or until their need to replace the durable good becomes sufficiently urgent.
The early phase of economic recoveries generally exhibits a surge in spending on durable goods as this process is reversed. Finally, what demographic characteristics are significantly associated with older American household segmentation? The answers to these questions are expected to provide a unique contribution to the field, because our analysis focuses on the entire older population rather than on a specific subpopulation, such as women or those in poverty and reveals diverse consumer needs and resource constraints rather than a single consumption category.
Literature review Consumption patterns of older households.
A number of previous studies have identified household consumption patterns of older Americans. Consumption patterns have been investigated in terms of both total dollar expenditures and expenditure budget shares of different consumption categories. Some studies in the relevant literature have contrasted expenditure patterns of elderly people with those of the nonelderly, whereas others discussed in the next section have examined differences in expenditure patterns among older households.
Studies in the former group have found that older households spend less than do younger households. As noted earlier, the life-cycle hypothesis and the permanent-income hypothesis predict that consumers will maintain their lifetime consumption patterns by saving during periods of high income and by dissaving during periods of low income. Using the — CE, for example, Sheldon Danziger et al. Similar conclusions were proposed in another study, which examined the asset and consumption trends of four cohorts of older Americans.
In addition, other authors have suggested that, contrary to the life-cycle hypothesis, certain household expenditures e. Compared with the nonelderly, the elderly spend more on housing, food, and healthcare—the three most important items in their total consumption—and less on clothing, transportation, and household furnishings.
Fisher et al. Michael Harris and Noel Blisard showed that older households spent between 8 and 10 percent of their average weekly income on food compared with an average of 5 percent for all households and that nearly 73 percent of the weekly food expenditures of the oldest group were spent on food at home. The literature reviewed thus far suggests that the necessities of housing, healthcare, and food become major expenditure burdens later in life. According to some studies, however, the individual financial burdens of older households vary by age, gender, income, assets, health, marital status, and other factors.
Poor older households have been found to have the largest financial burdens, spending approximately three-fourths of their total expenditures on housing, food, and healthcare. Schoeni found that out-of-pocket medical expenditures of married older households in the final 2 years of life were equal to 30 percent of their annual income; for people in the lowest income quartile, that share was equal to approximately 70 percent.
For example, it has been reported that these expenditures increase in terms of dollar amounts with income and that their budget share is higher for low-income individuals than for high-income individuals. Because out-of-pocket medical expenditures are particularly large at the end of one's life, their burden in old age may severely affect the financial well-being of the elderly. Moreover, Hyungsoo Kim and Jinkook Lee have found that the financial burden and wealth depletion caused by health problems differ greatly across elderly populations of different ethnic and racial backgrounds.
While previous research unequivocally suggests that older Americans tend to allocate a large portion of their income to necessities, such as food, housing, and healthcare, it is less clear whether and how much the financial burden of these necessities affects the consumption of other goods and services and, in turn, the economic well-being of the elderly.
Reduced consumption of other goods and services, if present, has the potential to lower the quality of life of older Americans, an adverse effect that would vary according to age, income, and other household characteristics.
Thus, to improve our understanding of the relationship between consumption and well-being, a more careful investigation examining the interrelationships among different consumption categories is needed. When financial resources are limited, an increase in need and spending for one category is likely to be associated with consumption decreases in other categories. Existing studies concerned with the consumption behavior of older households either focus on specific demographic or socioeconomic groups or analyze their spending on various consumption items.