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Portable Document Format or PDF is an open standard file format that was developed by Adobe Systems in A PDF file is capable of. Connecting People through News. All-you-can-read digital newsstand with thousands of the world's most popular newspapers and magazines. Vast selection of. The Times of India - Indian Newspapers in English Language from Mumbai, News of India, World, Sports, Entertainment, India Business, Intl Business, Infotec . in SPARC scheme · NEET UG Exam: How to attempt Question Paper?.

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The Times of India. The Economic Times. Mirror. Maharashtra Times. Navbharat Times. Ei Samay. Vijay Karnataka. Mumbai, Ahmedabad, Bangalore, Bhopal. Step Now you should be able to view the e-paper edition. On the top there Where can I get all of the Indian daily English newspapers in PDF? 2, Views. 3 days ago CBSE 10th Social Science Question Paper Download PDF . The Indian Institute of Foreign Trade (IIFT) has declared its entrance.

Brennan was its first editor. In , editor Robert Knight — bought the Indian shareholders' interests, merged with rival Bombay Standard, and started India's first news agency. It wired Times dispatches to papers across the country and became the Indian agent for Reuters news service. Knight fought for a press free of prior restraint or intimidation, frequently resisting the attempts by governments, business interests, and cultural spokesmen and led the paper to national prominence. Dalmiya ownership[ edit ] Sir Stanley Reed edited The Times of India from until and received correspondence from the major figures of India such as Mahatma Gandhi. In all he lived in India for fifty years.

In all he lived in India for fifty years. He was respected in the United Kingdom as an expert on Indian current affairs.

Category:The Times of India - Wikipedia

He christened Jaipur as "the Pink City of India". Ltd was sold to sugar magnate Ramkrishna Dalmia of the then-famous industrial family, the Dalmiyas, for Rs 20 million in , as India was becoming independent and the British owners were leaving.

In the court case that followed, Ramkrishna Dalmia was sentenced to two years in Tihar Jail after having been convicted of embezzlement and fraud.

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Based on the pleading, Justice directed the Government to assume control of the newspaper which resulted in replacing half of the directors and appointing a Bombay now Mumbai High Court judge as the Chairman. Nain, passed an interim order to disband the existing board of Bennett Coleman and to constitute a new board under the Government. The bench ruled that "Under these circumstances, the best thing would be to pass such orders on the assumption that the allegations made by the petitioners that the affairs of the company were being conducted in a manner prejudicial to public interest and to the interests of the Company are correct".

Kunte had no prior business experience and was also an opposition member of the Lok Sabha. O'Cracy, beloved husband of T. Ruth, father of L. Bertie, brother of Faith, Hope and Justice expired on 25 June".

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Vijay Karnataka was the leader in the Kannada newspaper segment then. In , Narendra Modi, then the longtime chief minister of the western state of Gujarat and leader of the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party BJP , was elected to power by the greatest mandate the country had seen in 30 years.

India until then had been ruled primarily by one party—the Congress, the party of Indira Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru—for 54 of the 67 years that the country had been free.

To understand the deeper promptings of this enormous expression of franchise—not just the politics, but the underlying cultural fissures—we need to go back to the first season of the Modi story. It is only then that we can see why the advent of Modi is at once an inevitability and a calamity for India. The country offers a unique glimpse into both the validity and the fantasy of populism.

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It forces us to reckon with how in India, as well as in societies as far apart as Turkey and Brazil, Britain and the U. In , British India was split in two. Pakistan was founded as a homeland for Indian Muslims. The country had a substantial Muslim population then around 35 million, now more than million , and the ideology Nehru bequeathed to the newly independent nation was secularism. Modi made the so-called Triple Talaq instant divorce a punishable offense through an executive order in India, under their rule, was clubbish, anglicized and fearful of the rabble at the gates.

The Times of India Current Affairs - 2019

Populists come in two stripes: those who are of the people they represent Erdogan in Turkey, Bolsonaro in Brazil , and those who are merely exploiting the passions of those they are not actually part of the champagne neo-fascists: the Brexiteers, Donald Trump, Imran Khan in Pakistan.

Narendra Modi belongs very firmly to the first camp. He is the son of a tea seller, and his election was nothing short of a class revolt at the ballot box.

It was no longer about left, or right, but something more fundamental. Most of all, his ascension showed that beneath the surface of what the elite had believed was a liberal syncretic culture, India was indeed a cauldron of religious nationalism, anti-Muslim sentiment and deep-seated caste bigotry.

The country had a long history of politically instigated sectarian riots, most notably the killing of at least 2, Sikhs in the streets of Delhi after the assassination of Indira Gandhi by her Sikh bodyguards. The Congress leadership, though hardly blameless, was able, even through the selective profession of secular ideals, to separate itself from the actions of the mob.

Modi, by his deafening silences after more recent atrocities, such as the killing of more than 1, people, mostly Muslims, in his home state of Gujarat in , proved himself a friend of the mob.

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The high ideals of the past have come under his reign to seem like nothing but the hollow affectations of an entrenched power elite.

He spoke of jobs and development. As India votes this month, the irony of those words is not lost on anyone.

If you are not with Modi, then you are strengthening anti-India forces.

Hardly a month goes by without the nation watching agog on their smartphones as yet another enraged Hindu mob falls upon a defenseless Muslim. The response of leadership in every instance is the same: virtual silence. Basic norms and civility have been so completely vitiated that Modi can no longer control the direction of the violence. Once hatred has been sanctioned, it is not always easy to isolate its target, and what the BJP has discovered to its dismay is that the same people who are willing to attack Muslims are only too willing to attack lower-caste Hindus as well.

On the one hand, he made opportunity for women and their safety a key election issue a report ranked the country the most dangerous place on earth for women ; on the other hand, his attitude and that of his party men feels paternalistic. Yet Modi also appointed a woman Defense Minister. If these contradictions are part of the unevenness of a society assimilating Western freedoms, it must be said that under Modi minorities of every stripe—from liberals and lower castes to Muslims and Christians—have come under assault.

Far from his promise of development for all, he has achieved a state in which Indians are increasingly obsessed with their differences.

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If in he was able to exploit difference in order to create a climate of hope, in he is asking people to stave off their desperation by living for their differences alone. The incumbent may win again—the opposition, led by Rahul Gandhi, an unteachable mediocrity and a descendant of Nehru, is in disarray—but Modi will never again represent the myriad dreams and aspirations of