The Dramatic Decade focuses on one of the most fascinating peri Can anyone help to me to provide me pdf of this book?? I want to ronaldweinland.info urgent!. The Dramatic Decade focuses on one of the most fascinating periods in the life of this nation, the decade of the s. This was when Indira found herself. The Dramatic Decade focuses on one of the most fascinating periods in the life of this nation—the decade of the s. This was when India found herself.
|Language:||English, Spanish, Arabic|
|ePub File Size:||19.87 MB|
|PDF File Size:||12.48 MB|
|Distribution:||Free* [*Register to download]|
globalisation India. The second chapter is an informed engagement with the notion of national language. It highlights the disturbing ignorance found among. The dramatic decade: the Indira Gandhi years Full Article · Figures & data · Citations; Metrics; Reprints & Permissions · PDF. Click to increase. The Dramatic Decade the Indira Gandhi Years - Ebook download as PDF File . pdf), Text File .txt) or read book online. A BOOK ABOUT The Dramatic Decade.
I was in Calcutta for my Rajya Sabha election, scheduled for 26 June, and got to know of this development on the morning of the 26th. Indira Gandhi asked me to return to Delhi as soon as the election was over and meet her at the earliest. Chattopadhyaya — who was then the Minister of State for Commerce and also in Calcutta for the Rajya Sabha election — told me he had received similar summons from Delhi. I got to the assembly building at about 9. It was teeming with state legislators, ministers and political leaders, some with questions and others with conspiracy theories.
No details of the excesses during this period is seen in the book, except a few tangential references to the stifling of judiciary, suspension of fundamental rights and political activity, large scale arrests of political leaders and activists, press censorship and extending the tenure of legislature without conducting elections. It is shocking for us to read now that Indira Gandhi transferred sixteen judges of higher courts in a single day so as to ensure compliance to her tricks and strategies.
As conciliation to the readers, Mukherjee counts a few positive changes he had observed in the course of Emergency, such as discipline in public life, growing economy, controlled inflation, a reversed trade deficit, enhanced developmental expenditure and crackdown on tax evasion and smuggling. The Janata party crumbled under its own weight of leaders acting at cross-purposes and selfishly.
Even though marked by loss of personal freedom, he ranks the period as one in which Indian democracy matured. He is obviously making a veiled reference to Congress' defeat in the elections held immediately after the lifting of Emergency.
Even when writing at a remove of 35 years, he does not let even a single critical word slip out of his pen. Even though a well-lettered man, the author was not a darling of the crowds, with the result that he lost many elections to the Lok Sabha.
It was Indira Gandhi who made him a cabinet minister even after his defeat in the election. Mukherjee returns the trust and affection Indira reposed on him. An angry Fazlul Huq decided to seek the support of the Muslim League instead. Thus a Krishak Praja Party-Muslim League coalition government, with support from scheduled caste and some independent upper-caste Hindu MLAs came to power The Muslim League took full advantage of its governmental authority in Bengal to extend its support base over the Muslim masses.
It also befriended Huq and persuaded him to join the League within a short time with many of his followers. In fact, in his anxiety to accommodate every interest that could support his government, Huq became a minority within the ministry.
This, as also his abandonment of the election pledges, caused rumblings in [the] KPP. As early as March a majority of the KPP assembly party sat with the opposition to register their protest Huq realised that he could save his ministry only with Jinnahs support and joined the League at its annual session at Lucknow in December Between and , Huq was drawn into the vortex of Muslim League politics although he never felt comfortable in the landlord-dominated party.
He became the first Premier of Bengal in joining the Muslim League shortly thereafter , but this government did not last for its full term, and collapsed in December Though he moved the famous Lahore Resolution in the Muslim League Council in later interpreted as a demand for a single state of Pakistan , he did not support the proposal for a separate dominion of Pakistan in , as a result of which his party lost miserably in the face of an ascendant Muslim League.
As Premier of Bengal, Fazlul Huqs unique contribution was in safeguarding the interests of Bengals peasantry. Rescuing them from the clutches of moneylenders, he provided the debt-burdened peasants relief through the Debt Recovery Settlement Board.
Significantly, Fazlul Huq was responsible for creating a powerful middle class which became the foundation of Bengals politics in subsequent years. The verdict of clearly demonstrated the able leadership of Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy and the organizational ability of Abul Hashim, General Secretary of the Muslim League.
Ahead of this election, Suhrawardy had offered Fazlul Huq a dealforty Muslim constituencies to Fazlul Huqs nominees if they filed their nominations as Muslim League candidates. Fazlul Huq rejected the proposal outright and contested elections on a separate manifesto.
The result was clear. The Muslim League won of the Muslim seats while nationalist Muslims and Fazlul Huqs party were completely washed out, as was the Congress though the Congress fared well in general seats, winning 87 out of In spite of the mandate, Suhrawardy did not form the government immediately.
With the view that a large part of the population would have no representation in such a government, he endeavoured to co-opt the Congress into a coalition.
Senior leaders of both parties tried to work things out, but their efforts were unsuccessful. Consequently, on 23 April , Suhrawardy formed his cabinet with seven other members of the Muslim League and Jogendra Nath Mandal, leader of the Scheduled Castes Federation, the lone Hindu minister in the cabinet. The family of the Nawab of Dacca was not represented in this cabinet, though the Nawab of Bogra, Muhammad Ali, held a cabinet post.
Most of the ministers were from the upper middle class. This governments darkest hour came only a few months later. While it was expected that the agitation would be against the British, in Calcutta it turned into a communal confrontation between Hindus and Muslims instead. Hindus and Sikhs were targeted on the assumption that they were opposed to the creation of Pakistan. While there are many published accounts of this period, two experiential accounts stand out.
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, founder of Bangladesh and the then leader of the student wing of the Muslim League, provides a glimpse into this time of irrationally raised passions in his book, The Unfinished Memoirs,8 as does Tapan Roychowdhury in his Bangal Nama. Riots spread to Noakhali in Bengal, and then Bihar and Punjab.
Hindu-Muslim amity was thrown to the winds and sanity was lost for the time being. This was in sharp contrast to the glorious Hindu-Muslim unity demonstrated against British rule in November , when Hindus and Muslims jointly demonstrated on the streets of Calcutta against the British policy of divide and rule. Perceptions of safety radically changed in Calcutta from what they were before 16 August: while Calcutta streets were perceived to be safe for Hindus and Muslims before this day, they became unsafe thereafter.
The period after the Second World War was one of momentous political change in India. To resolve the crisis and effect a political resolution, a powerful ministerial mission headed by Sir Stafford Cripps was sent to India to hold discussions with ten Indian leaders to ensure their cooperation with the war efforts of the British government. However, the mission failed as Congress leaders did not agree with the stance taken by the British government.
As a result, Congress leaders were arrested and the party was banned. However, Mahatma Gandhis message reached every corner of the country, spurring people to rise against the British government in massive numbers. The ban on the Congress was lifted, its leaders were released from jail and a dialogue between them and the British government began. Jinnahs choice of Mandal as a Muslim League nominee was an effort to counter the Muslim card of the Congress.
Significantly, none of the other Muslim League members were from Bengal. According to the plan declared by the British government on 3 June , shadow ministries were to be set up in the to-be-partitioned provinces of Punjab and Bengal so as to look after all interests.
This done, members of the legislative assembly from Muslim majority districts and non-Muslim districts were to meet separately and decide which dominionIndia or Pakistanthey would like to join. In the meantime, boundary commissions were set up for Punjab and Bengal and both were headed by Sir Cyril Radcliffe.
When on 17 August, the Radcliffe report consisting of 16 pages was released of which 9 pages were devoted to Bengal, there were many surprises. Khulna and Chittagong Hill districts, which had hoisted [the] Indian national flag two days ago, became parts of Pakistan.
Murshidabad and Malda districts which had hoisted [the] Pakistani flag were made parts of India. The districts of Jalpaiguri, Malda and Nadia remained in India while losing substantial territory from the districts to Pakistan. On the other hand, although Jessore and Dinajpur were allotted to Pakistan, a subdivision each from both the districts Bongaon subdivision in Jessore and Balurghat subdivision in Dinajpur , were allotted to India.
The state of West Bengal as it emerged from Radcliffes scissors was also moth-eaten. The districts of Darjeeling and Jalpaiguri were physically separated from West Bengal mainland. The Muslims were sad to see that Calcutta had gone to West Bengal, as also the Muslim majority district of Murshidabad. What weighed with Radcliffe in giving Murshidabad to India while, as a compensatory measure, giving Khulna to Pakistan was that the entire length of the Hooghly river from the point where it branches off from the Ganges should be with India in order to maintain the navigability of the Calcutta port.
The Hindus were sorry that the predominantly Buddhist district of Chittagong Hill tracts had been given to Pakistan. All its normal communication routes to the outside world lay through the Chittagong district and apparently that had influenced Radcliffes judgement, although he failed to notice in his haste that the hill tracts of Chittagong had a long border with Lushai Hills district of the Indian province of Assam. As all the parties had given a guarantee that they would accept [the] Radcliffe award without any question, they had to keep quiet and accept whatever had been decreed by Radcliffe in what was by far the strangest, most illogical and arbitrarily drawn boundary line in history between two countries.
Suhrawardy were totally opposed to the partition of the provinceand Congress and Muslim League leaders met on several occasions to work out a formula to avoid it. In his book, The Unfinished Memoirs, Mujibur Rahman wrote of a conspiracy against Suhrawardy while the partition plan was being finalized. His claim that the Muslim League leadership in Bengal was kept in the dark about the partition of Bengal is hardly surprising given Suhrawardys unambiguous position and his support for an undivided Bengal.
The cross-party discussions in Bengal yielded a formula, an important ingredient of which was that a constituent assembly would be elected by the people of Bengal and the elected members of this assembly would then decide whether to join India or Pakistan or remain independent. This formula was endorsed by the provincial Muslim League Council. WhenSarat Chandra Bose who had joined hands with Suhrawardy after being pushed out of the interim government , Kiran Shanker Roy, Suhrawardy and other Muslim League leaders laid out this formula, the Congresss central leadership rejected it.
We must have Calcutta in India. Thus disappointed, they returned home. The ground reality, too, made the task of the proponents of an undivided Bengal difficult. After the riots of Calcutta and Noakhali, Hindus were wary and hesitant of living in a province dominated by a Muslim majority, as would be the case in an undivided Bengal. Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee, President of the All India Hindu Mahasabha and a prominent leader of Bengal, was a strong supporter of a partitioned Bengal and was able to influence the public mood substantially in its favour.
At that moment, he emerged as the undisputed leader of Bengali Hindus. In this scenario, therefore, the Governor General refused to consider any new scheme unless it was agreed to by both the Congress and the Muslim League. In the meantime, Suhrawardys popularity rapidly declined because of the almost continuous communal rioting in Bengal as also due to his support and strong advocacy for a united Bengal.
On the pretext that he had been elected to the Bengal assembly from a constituency which fell in West Bengal, he lost his position as the leader of the Muslim League in the East Bengal assembly toSir Khawaja Nazimuddin, Nawab of Dacca, who declared that Dacca would be the capital of East Bengal. In his autobiography, Mujibur Rahman claims that by doing this, Khawaja Nazimuddin completely blocked the chance of staking a claim to Calcutta as the capital of Pakistan.
According to him, if Calcutta had become a part of East Bengal, it would certainly have been the capital of Pakistan.
He also claimed that Suhrawardys overall popularity among the Muslim masses of Bengal would have propelled him to the office of Prime Minister of Pakistan. It is believed that Siddhartha Shankar Ray played an important role in the decision to declare the Emergency: it was his suggestion, and Indira Gandhi acted on it.
In fact, Indira Gandhi told me subsequently that she was not even aware of the constitutional provisions allowing for the declaration of a state of Emergency on grounds of internal disturbance, particularly since a state of Emergency had already been proclaimed as a consequence of the Indo-Pak conflict in He reached 1 Safdarjung Road and met Indira Gandhi, who said that she had received a slew of reports indicating that the country was heading into a crisis.
She told him that in view of the all-round indiscipline and lawlessness, some strong corrective measures needed to be taken. He recalled to the Shah Commission that on one such occasion before the announcement of the Allahabad High Court judgement on 12 June , he had told her that they could take recourse to the laws already on the statute books, and cited to her the success with which he had tackled the law and order problems of West Bengal within the framework of the law.
The reports indicated that he would call for an all-India agitation to set up a parallel administration network as well as courts, and appeal to policemen and those in the armed forces to disobey what were supposed to be illegal orders.