Cidadania Insurgente (Em Portugues do Brasil) [James Holston] on ronaldweinland.info . *FREE* Cidadania no Brasil: O longo caminho (Portuguese Edition). 13 José Murilo de Carvalho, Cidadania no Brasil. O longo caminho (Rio de Janeiro: Civilização Brasileira,. ), This State propaganda was based on. Cidadania no Brasil: o longo caminho. Rio de Janeiro: Retrieved May 26, from ronaldweinland.info ronaldweinland.info Cortina, A. (). Cidadãos do.
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CARVALHO, José Murilo de. Cidadania No Brasil o Longo Caminho. Rio de Janeiro Civilização Brasileira, Conclusão - Download as PDF File .pdf) . Cidadania no Brasil_ O longo caminho - José Murilo de Carvalho ().pdf Baixe no formato PDF, TXT ou leia online no Scribd .. cent edo Sal vadora um bi spo deTucumán depassagem pel o ronaldweinland.info quetodael anão ér epúbl ica. Cidadania no Brasil: O longo caminho (Portuguese Edition) [José Murilo de Carvalho] on ronaldweinland.info *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. A obra é um guia.
It traces the political polarization occurring in the protests, which came up as a sign of how Brazilians have been dealing with political dissatisfaction. Our proposal is to explore, from the various motivations identified for the mobilizations of the masses, the gaps in the Brazilian democracy in terms of consolidating the Rule of Law and citizenship. Based on these issues, we will reflect on the relationship between citizenship and democracy in Brazil, addressing the classical concept of citizenship proposed by Marshall, and noting how the civil, political and social rights have found obstacles to its consolidation in the country. In order to study how the Rule of Law is practiced, we will use elements of Institutionalism, aside from the elements identified by 1 Charles Tilly on contentious policy, so that light may be shed on the relationships between state and civil society as far as dissatisfaction with the inefficiency of the democratic regime is concerned. Keywords: Protests, Democracy, Citizenship, Brazil, Rule of Law Introduction This article aims to carry out a contextual analysis of the recent protests phenomenon in Brazil starting from the protests of June It traces the political polarization occurring in the protests, which emerge as a sign of how Brazilians have been dealing with political dissatisfaction.
According to Fleury , SUS rearranged the country's executive power through the following processes and instruments: the mechanisms of participation and social control - represented by the Health Committees at each government sphere, in an equity representation between the State and the civil society.
Since then, these mechanisms became part of the state apparatus and the institutional machinery. Aside from this instrument, there are also the political will building mechanisms, the Health Conferences, regularly held on all levels of government.
A communicative and deliberative exercise mechanism that puts the actors to interact, and consists in the subject's learning and social recognition, with the perspective of strengthening the organized civil society. As, finally, there are mechanisms of shared management, negotiation and agreement among the federated entities involved with the decentralization of the health system. The institutional committees - Bipartite and Tripartite Inter-management Committees, for instance - are spaces intended for negotiating the differences and creating management agreements, an innovation in the Brazilian federative model.
A different form of federalism, which, within this management model layout, opens a space for contemplating regional differences, while leveling the decentralization, agreement and participation mechanisms. In face of these processes, it becomes clear how much the implementation of SUS has produced new public institutions, both in the health area and for the Brazilian State, turning the Sanitary Reform's political-ideological thinking into public policy.
The Congress also presented issues related to the moment of political changes the country is currently facing. There were differences on how to produce health within SUS, and about the political ways of this production. In this brunt, concepts and territories faced themselves, indicating the representation crisis. There are those who prioritize daily practices, care attention, micro-power and micro-political environment in the production of health.
And there are others who emphasize State-society relationships, political-state institutions, social institutions and social movements as the spheres that define the health production. As above mentioned, these positions are not necessarily contrary; they are not mandatorily in opposition to each other.
However, they express the pressure between the macro and the micro, between the system's institutionalized ways of production and the non-institutionalized ones, between the State and the civil society. It is a discussion to be faced on the level of ideas and actual daily practices, but which cannot be stirred up by minor divergences.
Within this context, the picture of the sanitary reform forerunners - our traditional hygienists - resurfaces; professionals, managers, scholars, students etc.
Perhaps, this new moment of inflection requires, as then, a new solidary sanitary agreement. Another aspect relating to the current moment of inflection refers to life's mercantilization or commodification; as pointed out above, the integration through consumption, leading to the split of the social tissue, of fraternal relationships Hobsbawn, Conceived by the productive sphere of capitalist relationships, this commodification of life has caused great difficulties and embarrassment concerning the public sphere - understood here as not only the state, but also the common one.
By recognizing this fact, the Congress debates aroused possibilities for overcoming this situation. Focusing on people's strength SUS's professionals and managers, as well as users , in the articulation areas, professional education, shared work processes, and partnership relationships, aiming at the demercantilization of health, the demercantilization of life.
Health as a right to life. Health as a guarantee of life for everyone. It was also clear how much health, as a public policy, is on a knife's edge between mercantile interests and those of social and public nature - a fact that cannot be overshadowed.
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Apesardeseucont eudoconser vador. Mi l har esde voluntariosseapr esent ar am par al utar. As el ites paul i stas uni ram. Aospaul i st asal iaram. Masseuespf ritoer aconser v ador: Ospaul istasper der am aguer ranocampodebat alha. Pel a primei rav ez. Par ar eduziras f r audes. For am el ei t os 40 deput ados cl assi stas. Throughout this government, the acquisition of these social rights stemmed from patronizing concessions by a populist government, thus not representing the direct profit of an organized civil society struggle.
After a short democratic period, the military coup in Brazil implemented a new dictatorship, and once again the civil and political rights were curtailed. Only with the end of military dictatorship and the promulgation of the Constitution — a fact that marks the beginning of a new democratic period in Brazil — could the civil and political rights be once again guaranteed, at least formally, accompanied by a series of programmatic standards that point towards a greater recognition of social rights.
Indeed, by being resolved through the relations between citizens and authorities, a new starting point for future crisis is set, and as a result new interests are accommodated. According to the author, the concept of causal mechanism explains how and why a hypothetical cause in a given context will contribute towards a particular result. While mechanisms are required to be general, they should result in diverse effects for different contexts.
According to Tilly b , causal mechanisms are relatively abstract concepts or patterns of action that can travel from one particular instance or episode of causation to another and that explain how a hypothesized cause generates a particular outcome in a given context.
Much of this criticism is a consequence of the weaknesses regarding the Democratic Rule of Law in the region.
In this context, O'Donnell advocates that although democracy in Latin America has reached the procedural parameters that characterize a democratic regime, it has yet to achieve significant progress in its legal and political institutions to allow their population to fully benefit from citizenship rights.
Thus, bearing in mind the predominance of the formal nature of democracy in Latin America, O'Donnell labels the political regimes in these countries as polyarchies, using the concept developed by Dahl , which was primarily grounded in the proceedings.
A polyarchy corresponds to a political system in which there are regular elections and civil privileges, such as freedom of association and expression. In other words, while citizens benefit from political rights as well as some civil rights, this does not mean that they are fully entitled to their civil or social rights, as high levels of inequality and poverty may afflict the country. Contrariwise to the idea of democracy as simply a political system, O'Donnell characterizes it as a broader system, which depends on the degree of socio-economic equality of a population.
A certain degree of socioeconomic equality is connected to the development of autonomy, a fundamental capacity for the exercise of civil and political rights.
This connection assumes that individuals in extreme poverty are neither fully able to exercise their duties and to benefit from their civil and political rights, nor to claim their expansion.
O'Donnell stresses that, for a government to be able to foster equalizing policies, allowing for citizenship to be consolidated, a state of jurisdiction is paramount, that is, expansion through legal regulation of new social situations, accompanied by legal specifications capable of preventing the discrimination associated with discretionary actions and with the prevalence of private interests.
Therefore, the author notes that countries of Latin America display a very fragile Rule of Law, specifying the following flaws: 1 legislation inadequacies, due to the existence of laws that still discriminate against minorities, 2 the discretionary application of the law, 3 lack of impartiality 6 concerning the relation between bureaucracy and citizens — as a result of the disregard or even absence of formal rules that establish bureaucratic procedures, 4 restricted access to justice and the Courts for those who lack resources, highlighting the recurring discrimination against the latter.
According to the author, the establishment of a proper Rule of Law requires the public administration, especially the Courts, to treat individuals equally and without discrimination of social status.
As such, laws need to be inclusive, often implying the detachment from the Universalist principle, since minority groups need positive discrimination policies that can redress inequality. In this context, O'Donnell reinforces the idea that laws need to be clear and stable, and that Courts must remain independent.
Additionally, the author underlines that authorities, as well as private agents, need to be subjected to an accountability process. Given this background, the problems associated with the unequal distribution of income in Brazil and the current political mindset, established throughout history and founded on unequal relationships, feed a vicious cycle that comprises several obstacles to the consolidation of democracy in the country.
The crises in Brazilian institutions — how do citizens perceive those crises? The concept of political culture defined by Almond and Verba in The Civic Culture refers to the psychological orientation towards a social object, in this case political life. This psychological orientation is related to cognitive, affective and evaluative factors that reflect values, behaviors and perceptions concerning the political system, as well as the political process and the public policies.
Its development occurs in an environment permeated by multiple cultural and social references, such as religion and ethnicity. Additionally, it integrates historical issues involving the formation of Government and its institutions, revealing to a certain extent how the Government and 7 civil society interact between themselves, if there is trust between individuals, and whether these individuals trust in political institutions.
As discussed in the previous section, the establishment of the Brazilian Government comes up as a reflection of a set of social relations that have not favored the consolidation of fair political and legal institutions, considering legal equality of individuals. Thus, Baquero characterizes the civic disaggregation process, related to the absence of a participatory political culture in the country, as "democratic deconsolidation".
Baquero argues that the social and cultural conditions have favored the development of a collective mentality of detachment, disbelief, and widespread distrust in the institutions by the citizens. The author connects this mentality to the authoritarian legacy of history. In a cultural perspective, the influence of the latter is linked to the fact that patrimonialism, coronelism and clientelism - all noticeably personalist forms of governance - have not favored the development of a system based on legal rationality.
Consequently, the private use of public institutions, as a manifestation of economic and other private interests in the public sphere, has bred a mentality of detachment and apathy toward politics in the population. This situation hinders the mobilization of civil society towards the awareness of political activity.
With this detachment from civil society, technocrats gained ground in the establishment of policies, whereas the Parliament began to be regarded as secondary, due to weight of the Executive Power. In this framework, the author justifies the loss of strength of mass protests and of the Parliamentary Committees of Inquiry investigations, as these are overlooked in favor of new issues Baquero , In his argument, Baquero states that this "deconsolidation" became natural, and while institutional reforms are sought after, so are charismatic leaders able to override these same institutions, since the parties are discredited and not regarded as intermediaries of the people.
Avritizer argues that even with the advances achieved in Brazil over the last decade, the success of a participatory policy depends on the contextual articulation, the institutional design of politics, the organization of the civil society and the political resolve regarding the implementation of these participatory instruments.
The discrepancy in results obtained for the implementation of participatory policies reveals that Brazil's 8 political culture is very heterogeneous, showing that some areas are more prone to participate2 than others. As political culture is linked to emotional, cognitive, and evaluative standards, it is essential to assess the perceptions of Brazilians on political issues in order to understand their motivations for protests. Using the data from the Brazilian Electoral Study, Paiva et al analyzed the perception of Brazilians on the functioning and effectiveness of democracy in Brazil, discussing their degree of support and satisfaction with the democratic regime, their support concerning institutions, and their awareness of rights.
However, paradoxically, a large number of participants maintain the view that, were it not 10 mandatory, Brazilians would not vote. Notwithstanding the positive assessment of the functioning of institutions, the data shows that it has declined between and , most notably concerning the Police and Justice institutions. The Federal Government suffered a minor drop, whereas the Congress and the parties exhibit the lowest levels of positive evaluation.
In what concerns the degree of dissatisfaction with public services, both crime control and police violence feature the highest levels, with During this time, both old and new issues coexisted in Brazil, namely those related to life quality in urban centers, and it was in this context that the wave of protests began.
From protests to political polarization: challenges to democracy and citizenship consolidation in Brazil In later stages, the protests of June reflected the popular discontent with the corruption among political elites, which was regarded as a trigger to other structural problems, such as the mismanagement of public resources and the associated influence on the services offered to the population. It is possible to identify a democratic crisis as the cause to the protests, combining the dissatisfaction with the response of institutions to the new demands, even though clear propositions on behalf of the population were still amorphous.
The report of the Economist Intelligence Unit - EIU- frames the Brazilian protests, as well as others occurring during the same period, as a symptom of a crisis that began to develop in the West since This crisis is characterized by the 11 declining credibility of governments and institutions and the high level of distrust towards the political class and the parties.
Many regard protests as symptoms of crisis of current democracies, particularly concerning their representative nature. Fabio Wandeley Kings is one of the intellectuals defending that the democratic representation model needs to be revised. The circulation of the phrase 'It does not represent me', accompanied by criticism towards a politician or a political attitude, and displayed on posters in the streets or on social networks is a sign of dissatisfaction with the current representative model.
The protests featured a multitude of demands, which did not share a solid political ideal that would allow for their categorization. Indeed, these protests were marked by the lack of centralized leadership and by the mobilization of masses through social networks.
The violent repression of the protests against rising bus fares, including arbitrary arrests, highlighted the fragility of civil rights in the country.
This acted as trigger to a domino effect that began with a discussion concerning police brutality, but was dissolved in a series of protests dispersed throughout several cities in all regions of Brazil. In contextual terms, the then ongoing Confederations Cup may have increased the perception of relative deprivation of the population to the extent that the contrast between the budget allocated to the construction of stadiums and the financial plan associated with the sectors of real significance to the population, namely education and health, was emphasized.
Considering that these two services are vital in relation to social rights, these protests clearly show how citizens perceive and express their dissatisfaction regarding these inconsistencies in the decisions of the Government. The dissatisfaction with the institutions portrayed in the Brazilian Electoral Study is clear in the most prevalent protests, especially regarding the rejection of the political class.
Thus, the revolt against corruption and impunity surfaced with overwhelming intensity and had consequences in the subsequent polarization.
The perception concerning the impunity of corrupt politicians is related to an important subject in the Rule of Law, specifically legal equality. In fact, the privileges granted to politicians, be them 12 prerogatives of the office or not, prompt indignation with every corruption case as soon as it is exposed in the media. The exposure of these scandals and subsequent lack of punitive responses causes the population to regard politicians as holders of enough influence to be above the law, while those with limited resources receive harsher penalties.